Keeping a justice programme alive through a coup
The problem. I joined a national legal reform programme three months before the February 2021 military coup. The whole design rested on a state that was opening up. There were government counterparts to work with. There were civil society partners who could operate openly. There were communications channels that were safe to use. Within a week of the coup, none of that held. Counterparts were now a military administration. Partners and staff were at risk of arrest. The programme could have closed. Or it could have carried on as though nothing had changed and put people in danger.
What I did. The first task was working out what could still be delivered without exposing anyone. That was a question of judgement rather than technique, made repeatedly and under time pressure. We shifted the centre of gravity away from institutional reform and towards legal aid, digital security and human rights information reaching people directly. I rebuilt the monitoring and communications approach so that evidence could still be gathered and results still reported without identifying partners or beneficiaries. I also commissioned three independent evaluations, delivered by Innovation for Poverty Action.
What changed. Delivery continued across six regions and states through the worst of it. The MEL framework kept producing usable impact evidence in conditions where most programmes lose their evidence base entirely. All three evaluations were completed. The harder lesson was about safeguarding under repression. Protecting people meant deliberately collecting and publishing less. That is an uncomfortable thing to argue for when donors want visibility.